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COVID THE TUBE STATION IS CLOSED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE! Dear guests, due to the current situation and the prompt action of the Austrian. Very British! Gold Version - Mit Zierpiping und ohne Ecken Spezifikationen. Größe: x x mm; Tolex: Kundenwunsch; Bespannung: Kundenwunsch. The health of our students is our top priority. That's why, in light of the Covid coronavirus pandemic, we're moving all of our English classes online across.

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Chadwick voiced concerns about the need for such pure plutonium to make a feasible bomb. He also suspected that the gun method of detonation for a plutonium bomb would lead to premature detonations due to impurities.

After Chadwick met Robert Oppenheimer at the Los Alamos Laboratory in , he learned of a proposed bomb design which they were calling an implosion.

The sub-critical mass of plutonium was supposed to be surrounded by explosives that were arranged to detonate simultaneously.

This would cause the plutonium core to be compressed and become supercritical. The core would be surrounded by a depleted uranium tamper which would reflect the neutrons back into the reaction, and contribute to the explosion by fissioning itself.

This design solved Chadwick's worries about purity because it did not require the level that would be needed for the gun-type fission weapon.

The biggest problem with this method was creating the explosive lenses. Chadwick took this information with him and described the method to Oliphant who then took it with him to England.

Halban's heavy water team from France continued its slow neutron research at Cambridge University; but the project was given a low priority since it was not considered relevant to bomb making.

It suddenly acquired military significance when it was realised that it provided the route to plutonium.

But Sir John Anderson wanted the British team to retain its own identity, and was concerned that since the Americans were working on nuclear reactor designs using nuclear graphite as a neutron moderator instead of heavy water, that team might not receive a fair share of resources.

As a compromise, Thomson suggested relocating the team to Canada. The Canadian government was approached, and Dean Mackenzie , the president of the National Research Council of Canada , immediately welcomed and supported the proposal.

The costs and salaries would be divided between the British and Canadian governments, but the British share would come from a billion dollar war gift from Canada.

The laboratory grew quickly to over staff; about half were Canadians recruited by George Laurence. A subgroup of theoreticians was recruited and headed by a Czechoslovak physicist, George Placzek.

Placzek proved to be a very capable group leader, and was generally regarded as the only member of the staff with the stature of the highest scientific rank and with close personal contacts with many key physicists involved in the Manhattan project.

Friedrich Paneth became head of the chemistry division, and Pierre Auger of the experimental physics division.

Von Halban was the director of the laboratory, but he proved to be an unfortunate choice as he was a poor administrator, and did not work well with the National Research Council of Canada.

The Americans saw him as a security risk, and objected to the French atomic patents claimed by the Paris Group in association with ICI.

Sir John Anderson was eager to invite Niels Bohr to the Tube Alloys project because he was a world-famous scientist who would not only contribute his expertise to the project, but also help the British government gain leverage in dealings with the Manhattan Project.

The Danish resistance helped Bohr and his wife escape by sea to Sweden on 29 September Groves offered Bohr substantial pay, but Bohr initially refused the offer because he wanted to make sure that the relationship between the United States and Great Britain remained a real co-operative partnership.

In , Bohr presented several key points he believed to be essential concerning international nuclear weapon control.

He urged that Britain and the United States should inform the Soviet Union about the Manhattan Project in order to decrease the likelihood of its feeling threatened on the premise that the other nations were building a bomb behind its back.

Bohr's evidence came from an interpretation of a letter he received from a Soviet friend and scientist in Russia, which he showed to the British security services.

With the help of U. Roosevelt , who was initially sympathetic to his ideas about controlling nuclear weapons. But Churchill was adamantly opposed to informing the Soviet Union of such work.

Moreover, they decided that Bohr was potentially dangerous and that security measures must be taken in order to prevent him from leaking information to the rest of the world, Russia in particular.

In August , a British mission, led by Tizard and with members that included Cockcroft, was sent to America to create relations and help advance the research towards war technology with the Americans.

Several military technologies were shared, including advances in radar, anti-submarine warfare, aeronautical engineering and explosives.

The mission did not spend much time on nuclear fission, with only two meetings of the subject, mainly about uranium enrichment.

In particular, Cockcroft did not report Peierls' and Frisch's findings. Nonetheless, there were important repercussions. A barrier had been broken and a pathway to exchange technical information between the two countries was developed.

Moreover, the notion of civilian scientists playing an important role of the development of military technologies was strengthened on both sides of the Atlantic.

Charles C. Coolidge was shocked when Oliphant informed him that the British had predicted that only ten kilograms of uranium would be sufficient to supply a chain reaction effected by fast moving neutrons.

Oliphant took the initiative himself to enlighten the scientific community in the U. Oliphant also travelled to Berkeley to meet with Ernest Lawrence , inventor of the cyclotron.

Pegram , and Arthur Compton to relay the details which Oliphant had directed to Lawrence. Oliphant's ability to inform the Americans led to Oliphant convincing Lawrence, Lawrence convincing Compton, and then Kistiakowsky convincing Conant to move forward with nuclear weapons.

These actions from Oliphant resulted in Bush taking this report directly to the president. The American effort increased rapidly and soon outstripped the British as the American authorities were reluctant to share details with their British counterparts.

However, separate research continued in each country with some exchange of information. Several of the key British scientists visited the United States early in and were given full access to all of the information available.

They were astounded at the momentum that the American atomic bomb project had then assumed. The British and American exchange of information and efforts continued but the nations did not combine their efforts, leading their programmes separately.

Furthermore, in the British Government rebuffed and vetoed attempts and proposals by Bush and Conant to strengthen cooperation between Great Britain and America.

He tightened security, which dried up the flow of information to Britain. American officials were particularly concerned that Akers and other people from ICI involved in the Tube Alloys project were trying to exploit American nuclear scientific knowledge to create a profitable post-war industry.

This disastrously affected British efforts as they lacked manpower, facilities, equipment and materials. Tube Alloys therefore fell behind in the race with the Manhattan Project.

On 30 July , Anderson advised Churchill that: "We must face the fact that We now have a real contribution to make to a 'merger'. Soon we shall have little or none".

The Military Policy Committee MPC supported Bush's arguments and restricted access to the classified information which Britain could utilise to develop its atomic weapons programme, even if it slowed down the American efforts.

The Americans stopped sharing any information on heavy water production, the method of electromagnetic separation , the physical or chemical properties of plutonium, the details of bomb design, or the facts about fast neutron reactions.

This was a major disappointment which hindered the British and the Canadians, who were collaborating on heavy water production and several other aspects of the research programme.

By Britain had stopped sending its scientists to the United States, which slowed down the pace of work there, which had relied on efforts led by British scientists.

In March Conant approached the Military Policy Committee, which decided that Britain's help would benefit some areas of the project.

Chadwick, Penney, Peierls, Oliphant and other British scientists were important enough that the bomb design team at the Los Alamos Laboratory needed them, despite the risk of revealing weapon design secrets.

Churchill sought information about building Britain's own gaseous diffusion plant, a heavy water plant and an atomic reactor in Britain, despite its immense cost.

Disruption to other wartime projects would be inevitable, and it was unlikely to be ready in time to affect the outcome of the war in Europe. The unanimous response was that before embarking on this, another effort should be made to secure American co-operation.

In July , in London, American officials cleared up some major misunderstandings about British motives, and after many months of negotiations the Quebec Agreement was signed by Churchill and Roosevelt on 19 August during the Quebec Conference.

The British handed over their material to the Americans and in return received the copies of the American progress reports to the President.

Tube Alloys was subsumed into the Manhattan Project. It was also agreed that "any post-war advantages of an industrial or commercial nature" would be decided at the discretion of the President.

Llewellin were the British members, and C. Howe was the Canadian member. Dill died in Washington, D. They arrived the day the Quebec Agreement was signed, ready to assist the Manhattan Project in any way possible.

Akers was generally disliked and the Americans refused to move forward with collaboration unless a top British scientist who was "accepted and sound of judgement" was appointed instead.

British officials dug in over Britain's right to make its own appointments to its own government agencies. A compromise was reached, with Chadwick put in charge as Britain's technical advisor for the Combined Policy Committee, and as the head of the British Mission to the Manhattan Project.

With this dispute settled collaboration could once again take place. Chadwick wanted to involve as many British scientists as possible so long as Groves accepted them.

Chadwick's first choice, Joseph Rotblat refused to give up his Polish citizenship. Chadwick then turned to Otto Frisch, who to Chadwick's surprise accepted becoming a British citizen right away and began the screening process so that he could travel to America.

Chadwick spent the first few weeks of November acquiring a clear picture of the extensive Manhattan Project. He realised the scale of such sites as Oak Ridge, Tennessee , which was the new headquarters of the project, and could safely conclude that without similar industrial site being found in Germany the chances of the Nazi atomic bomb project being successful was very low.

With Chadwick involved the main goal was to show that the Quebec Agreement was a success. It was Britain's duty to co-operate to the fullest and speed along the process.

Chadwick used this opportunity to give as many young British scientists experience as possible so that they might carry that experience to post-war Britain.

Rotblat had been left in charge of the Tube Alloys research, and brought with him the results obtained since Chadwick had left. The Montreal team in Canada depended on the Americans for heavy water from the US heavy water plant in Trail, British Columbia , which was under American contract, and for technical information about plutonium.

The Americans said that they would supply heavy water to the Montreal group only if it agreed to direct its research along the limited lines suggested by du Pont , its main contractor for reactor construction.

Despite doing much good work, by June the Montreal Laboratory had come to a complete standstill. Morale was low and the Canadian Government proposed cancelling the project.

In April , a Combined Policy Committee meeting in Washington agreed that Canada would build a heavy water reactor.

The Americans agreed to support the project with information and visits, and to supply materials, including vital uranium and heavy water.

The Montreal Laboratory would be given access to data from the Metallurgical Laboratory 's research reactors at Argonne and the X Graphite Reactor at Oak Ridge, but not from the production reactors at the Hanford Site ; nor was it to be given any information about the chemistry of plutonium, or methods for separating it from other elements.

This arrangement was formally approved by the Combined Policy Committee meeting on 19 September John Cockcroft became the director of the Montreal Laboratory.

William Penney , one of the Tube Alloys scientists, was an expert in shock waves. The Smyth Report was issued by the US War Department on 12 August , giving the story of the atomic bomb and including the technical details that could now be made public.

This account was issued just after Attlee had replaced Churchill as Prime Minister, and was the only official statement on the British contribution for fifteen years.

Alan Nunn May was recruited later in Canada. Fuchs began disclosing information to the Soviet Union about the possible production of a British atomic bomb when he joined the Tube Alloys project, [] although his contribution towards Soviet espionage was more severe during the Manhattan Project.

After three meetings, Fuchs was teamed up with a courier so he would not have to find excuses to travel to London.

She was Ruth Kuczynski , the sister of Jurgen Kuczynski. She was also a German communist, a major in Soviet Military Intelligence and an experienced agent who had worked with Richard Sorge 's spy ring in the Far East.

With the end of the war the Special Relationship between Britain and the United States "became very much less special". The British government had trusted that America would share nuclear technology, which the British saw as a joint discovery.

This partly resulted from the arrest for espionage of Alan Nunn May in February I don't mind for myself, but I don't want any other Foreign Secretary of this country to be talked to or at by a Secretary of State in the United States as I have just had in my discussions with Mr Byrnes.

We've got to have this thing over here whatever it costs We've got to have the bloody Union Jack on top of it. He broke down the development tasks required to replicate it, identifying outstanding questions that required further research on nuclear weapons.

On 3 October , under the code-name " Operation Hurricane ", the first British nuclear device was successfully detonated in the Monte Bello Islands off the west coast of Australia.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Codename of British nuclear weapons research during WW2. Main article: Discovery of nuclear fission. Main article: Frisch—Peierls memorandum.

Main article: Montreal Laboratory. Main article: Tizard Mission. Main article: Quebec Agreement. Main article: British contribution to the Manhattan Project.

Main article: Atomic spies. Main article: High Explosive Research. Retrieved 6 February Canadian Nuclear Society.

Retrieved 6 May Restricted Data. Avalon Project — Yale Law School. Retrieved 2 January Archived from the original on 17 October Retrieved 8 March National Science Digital Library.

Retrieved 18 March Retrieved 5 April US Government Printing Office. Retrieved 12 December Aaserud, Finn Kokowski, M.

Howitzer cartridges, both BL and separate QF, contained a central core of cordite surrounded by several stacked bags in the shape of rings, containing cordite.

To obtain the appropriate "charge" for the required range and angle of elevation, the gunner removed and discarded one or more rings before loading.

The case, usually brass, holding the propellant charge. Used with small arms and QF artillery ammunition.

The QF cases in could be cleaned and then reloaded up to a maximum of six firings with Cordite charges, with the record detailing the "life of the case" marked on the base.

The limitation on the number of firings was due to the case expanding on firing, having to be "rectified" by turning metal off the lower part, which restored the correct dimensions but progressively weakened the case.

Charge was a concept or category label rather than a specific item. For practical purposes, specific cartridges were specified for use to obtain the required charge.

A gunner dealt with cartridges and would know that he could load e. Cartridges were sometimes made up of fractions of charges e. A gun normally fired all rounds using the full charge, and varied the range by elevating or depressing the barrel.

A howitzer gunner's job was more complicated because the range table would specify different "charges", or fractions of the full service charge, for different ranges and angles of shell descent.

The standard cartridge for his gun which as a whole made up the full service charge, would consist of a central "mushroom" Cordite core and several smaller Cordite rings in bags stacked around the core like doughnuts, all tied together.

It was designed so that one or more rings could be quickly removed and discarded before loading, hence providing progressively smaller charges.

Discarded rings were burned after the action. This was the standard procedure for howitzers up to and including World War II.

A separate 2. The cartridge for firing the standard pound shell came ready-loaded with a red bag at the bottom containing the basic charge charge one , together with white and blue bags laid lengthwise, as in a conventional gun charge, to make up the full service charge charge three.

The blue and white bags could be removed to provide progressively reduced charges charge two and charge one. From one or two 4oz "intermediate charge increments" could be added to the standard charge replacing the blue bag for high-angle fire and to provide greater control over angle of shell descent.

For small arms or fixed QF ammunition, where the charge could not be varied by the gunner, the term charge was used to identify the Cordite propellant within the cartridge case, and the round as a whole was referred to as a full or reduced charge.

British explosive shells filled with Lyddite were initially designated "common lyddite" and beginning in were the first British generation of modern "high explosive" shells.

Its French equivalent was "melinite", Japanese equivalent was "shimose". Common lyddite shells "detonated" and fragmented into small pieces in all directions, with no incendiary effect.

For maximum destructive effect the explosion needed to be delayed until the shell had penetrated its target.

Early shells had walls of the same thickness for the whole length, later shells had walls thicker at the base and thinning towards the nose.

This was found to give greater strength and provide more space for explosive. Proper detonation of a lyddite shell would show black to grey smoke, or white from the steam of a water detonation.

Yellow smoke indicated simple explosion rather than detonation, and failure to reliably detonate was a problem with lyddite, especially in its earlier usage.

To improve the detonation "exploders" with a small quantity of picric powder or even of TNT in smaller shells, 3 pdr, 12 pdr - 4. Lyddite presented a major safety problem because it reacted dangerously with metal bases.

This required that the interior of shells had to be varnished, the exterior had to be painted with leadless paint and the fuze-hole had to be made of a leadless alloy.

Fuzes containing any lead could not be used with it. After World War I the term "common lyddite" was dropped, and remaining stocks of lyddite-filled shells were referred to as HE high explosive shell filled lyddite.

Hence "common" faded from use, replaced by "HE" as the explosive shell designation. Common lyddite shells in British service were painted yellow, with a red ring behind the nose to indicate the shell had been filled.

Common pointed shells, or CP were a type of common shell used in naval service from the s - s which had a solid nose and a percussion fuze in the base rather than the common shell's nose fuze.

The ogival two C. They were of cast or forged three- and six-pounder steel and contained a gunpowder bursting charge slightly smaller than that of a common shell, a tradeoff for the longer heavier nose.

In British service common pointed shells were typically painted black, except pounder shells specific for QF guns which were painted lead colour to distinguish them from pounder shells usable with both BL and QF guns.

A red ring behind the nose indicated the shell was filled. Common shells on bursting they did not "detonate" tended to break into relatively large fragments which continued along the shell's trajectory rather than laterally.

They had some incendiary effect. In the late 19th century "double common shells" were developed, lengthened so as to approach twice the standard shell weight, to carry more powder and hence increase explosive effect.

They suffered from instability in flight and low velocity and were not widely used. In British service common shells were typically painted black with red bands behind the noses to indicate the shells were filled.

Central pivot: was applied to a naval gun mounting that rotates around a central pivot that could be bolted to the deck without any structural alterations being required.

It is sometimes included in the name of a gun to differentiate it from other guns of the same caliber or weight of shot.

For example, the QF 12 pounder 18 cwt naval gun is a different and heavier weapon than the QF pounder 8-cwt Mk I naval gun , though they both fire shells of the same approximate weight 12 pounds 5.

It was a trainable turret incorporating the gun-laying sights and often a rangefinder. From here the gunnery officer could select targets and take the range, bearing and rates of change.

This data would be provided to the transmitting station TS , where a firing solution would be calculated and passed on to the gun turrets as the correct degree of training and elevation.

Gun barrels naturally experience internal wear when fired, caused by mechanical wear from the projectile moving along the barrel, and thermal and chemical wear from propellant gases.

This wear can reduce muzzle velocity and hence range, affect accuracy, produce unstable projectile flight, and, eventually, cause the gun barrel to fail.

Most guns are capable of firing different types of ammunition with varying charges, and not all of these combinations produce the same firing damage per round fired.

To illustrate, the round i. Other round combinations are assigned lesser values derived from testing and experience. Plans would be made to order a replacement barrel within the time an additional 50 EFCs were expected to be fired.

However the actual decision to retire any specific barrel would be made on examination and measurement of actual wear rather than that predicted by the EFC count.

In practice a barrel might be replaced before reaching its EFC life, or the limits of wear. In the case of the inch guns fitted to the World War I Marshal Ney-class monitors a gun was generally condemned when wear reached about 0.

However it was the usual practice to replace guns when their projected remaining life fell below the ship's normal full outfit of ammunition per gun, which ensured that the entire magazine could be safely fired in action.

This was the term for a gun together with its carriage, i. The carriage could be a wheeled carriage, a static siege carriage or include both a traversing mounting and railway wagon in the case of a railway gun.

Britain employed gunpowder as a propellant until superseded by Cordite Mk I from , and as an explosive filling in common shells until slowly superseded by lyddite from the late s.

Attached to the base of RML artillery shells from onwards to avoid gas wastage on firing, and to rotate studless shells. It was an interim measure between studs and modern driving bands.

Note: The term "gas-check" was hyphenated in official British government publications of the late s and early s. These publications also used the term "automatic gas-check" while acknowledging that the term "rotating gas-check" had been used previously.

It contrasted with common shells, which were filled with older explosives such as gunpowder, and common lyddite , the earlier British high-explosive shell.

The HE shell filling was detonated by a fuze, usually augmented by a "gaine" to ensure complete ignition, causing the thick steel shell case to shatter into large and small fragments at great velocity in all directions.

Britain first used pure TNT for land warfare shells from late , but this proved expensive and difficult to manufacture in the necessary large quantities, and was also inefficient as much energy was output as heavy black smoke.

The preferred method for filling explosive shells was by pouring the molten mixture through the fuze hole in the shell nose or base.

Hence it was not simply a case of switching existing filling machinery from Lyddite to Amatol. The Royal Navy resisted switching from Lyddite to Amatol for its shells because it considered Amatol was too hygroscopic water-absorbing to be suitable for use at sea, and instead used pure TNT as its high-explosive replacement for Lyddite.

High-explosive shells were typically painted yellow in British service in World War I, with a red ring below the nose to indicate the shell was filled and a green ring round the body to indicate filling with TNT or Amatol.

In World War II they were typically painted olive green. Low angle: a naval designation for a gun mounting not capable of high angles of elevation, and intended solely for firing at surface targets.

In theory any CP mounting was an LA mounting by default. By World War II there were no muzzle loading artillery guns in British use, so ML was used only for mortars , as the mortar bomb was dropped tail-first down the barrel from the muzzle.

In British use, ordnance meant the barrel and breech, without mounting, of a gun. The gun with its mounting was called an equipment.

P refers to a " pedestal " mounting for a gun, and was used by the Royal Navy. It differed from a central pivot mounting in that the mounting rotated around a fixed pedestal, rather than being bolted directly to the deck.

Many British naval and army artillery pieces of this period continued to be categorised by their pound rating, the weight in pounds of the shell that they fired, rather than by their bore.

For example, a gun firing pound rounds was called a "pounder", abbreviated pdr. Larger guns, such as the RML 9 inch 12 ton gun , were more often categorised by their bore.

This system was used until after World War II. A rough pound rating to bore conversion for that time is 1-poundermm, 2-poundermm, 3-poundermm, 6-poundermm, pounder This term used in the s specified the amount by which the breech end of a gun mounted on trunnions was heavier than the muzzle end.

This was determined by the location of the trunnions, the lugs on the barrel by which it rotated in its mounting, which were usually located slightly forward of the gun's centre of gravity.

The preponderance of British muzzle-loading guns was typically stamped on the end of one of the trunnions. The term was dropped when it became meaningless with the replacement of trunnions by more modern methods of mounting guns on recoil slides in the 20th century.

The term QF came from "quick-firing". The designation was put into use in the late 19th century in two different meanings. In naval terms it was first used for small guns firing fixed ammunition i.

An early example was the QF 6 pounder Hotchkiss. In later pieces, the charge was sometimes separated from the shell to reduce the individual weight of loading, but the charge was still loaded in a brass case, rather than a cloth or silk bag typical of "BL" guns.

In formal British ordnance terminology the term QF came to mean that the propellant charge is loaded in a metal, usually brass, case which provides obturation i.

Ordnance of other countries employed other techniques, and hence this description and distinction is limited to British ordnance.

In lighter QF guns, including field guns and anti-aircraft guns, the round was complete: "fixed ammunition", where the shell was attached to the cartridge case like a large rifle round.

Fixed QF was suited for rapid loading, especially at high angles, and was limited by the total weight of cartridge and projectile, which had to be easily handled by one man.

The Royal Navy gun standard as of [update] was the 4. This system was suitable for howitzers as it allowed the gunner to remove part of the cordite charge before loading if required for shorter ranges.

Separating the cartridge and projectile also allowed the weight of loading to be shared by two men. In all types, the primer for the round was in the cartridge case base.

The term QF in British use referred to the breech sealing mechanism, in which the brass cartridge case provided the gas seal.

This allowed a sliding block, which can generally be operated faster than a BL screw mechanism, and is characteristic of small to medium artillery.

Early QF guns offered the advantage over BL guns that no time was wasted in inserting vent tubes after loading, as the primer was built into the case, and sponging out of the chamber was not necessary between rounds.

QF also removed the risk of back-flash. By the early 20th century British doctrine held that QF ammunition, while allowing faster-operating breeches, had the disadvantage that ammunition is heavier and takes up more space, which was limited on warships.

Also, dealing with misfires was simpler with BL, as another tube could simply be tried. With QF the gunner had to wait a time and then open the breech, remove the faulty cartridge and reload.

Another potential disadvantage associated with QF came with the horizontal sliding block breech, as used with the QF 4. With the gun traversed at high elevation, the block could not be operated as it came into contact with the inside of the box carriage.

The thing to note is that their screw mechanism were much lighter and simpler than BL screw mechanisms and served merely to lock the cartridge in place.

In colloquial use, quick firing is artillery having attributes like recoil buffers and quick shell loading characteristics, introduced in the late 19th century.

QF converted: in the s there was much enthusiasm for QF technology, and many older BL guns had their breeches modified to use the same QF cartridges as the new QF guns of the same calibre.

Quick firing, semi-automatic: applied to naval QF guns where there was a mechanism to automatically open the breech and eject the case after firing.

This was useful to enable a high rate of fire. An example was the QF 3 inch 20 cwt anti-aircraft gun. These guns were originally known as "BL" breech loading ; the term "RBL" was introduced retrospectively in the s to differentiate these Armstrong designs from the second unrelated generation of rifled breech loaders beginning in which are referred to as BL.

US ordnance uses the term "run-out cylinder". At the beginning of World War I runout after recoil was most commonly achieved in British vintage field guns and pre naval guns by a set of springs which were compressed when the barrel recoiled and then expanded again.

This configuration was referred to as "hydro-spring" in which piston s moving through an oil reservoir dampened the recoil and springs collected the recoil energy and then used it to "run out" the barrel to firing position.

Typical examples were in the QF 13 pounder , 18 pounder and BL 60 pounder Mk I guns, all dating from to , where the oil, pistons and springs were integrated in a tubular housing above the barrel.

This configuration made the entire recoil system vulnerable to enemy gunfire, and it was protected to some extent in the field by being wound with thick rope.

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